Battle of Monte Cassino in World War II

Battle of Monte Cassino in World War II The Battle of Monte Cassino was fought January 17 to May 18, 1944, during World War II (1939-1945). Fast Facts: Battle of Monte Cassino Dates: January 17 to May 18, 1944, during  World War II  (1939-1945).Allies Armies and CommandersGeneral Sir Harold AlexanderLieutenant General Mark ClarkLieutenant General Oliver LeeseUS Fifth Army British Eighth ArmyGerman Armies and CommandersField Marshal Albert KesselringColonel General Heinrich von VietinghoffGerman 10th Army Background Landing in Italy in September 1943, Allied forces under General Sir Harold Alexander began pushing up the peninsula. Due to the Apennine Mountains, which run the length of Italy, Alexanders forces advanced on two fronts with the Lieutenant General Mark Clarks US Fifth Army on the east and Lieutenant General Sir Bernard Montgomerys British Eighth Army on the west. Allied efforts were slowed by poor weather, rough terrain, and a tenacious German defense. Slowly falling back through the fall, the Germans sought to buy time to complete the Winter Line south of Rome. Though the British succeeded in penetrating the line and capturing Ortona in late December, heavy snows prevented them from pushing west along Route 5 to reach Rome. Around this time, Montgomery departed for Britain to aid in planning the invasion of Normandy and was replaced by Lieutenant General Oliver Leese. To the west of the mountains, Clarks forces moved up Routes 6 and 7. The latter of these ceased to be usable as it ran along the coast and had been flooded at the Pontine Marshes. As a result, Clark was forced to use Route 6 which passed through the Liri Valley. The southern end of the valley was protected by large hills overlooking the town of Cassino and atop which sat the abbey of Monte Cassino. The area was further protected by the fast-flowing Rapido and Garigliano Rivers which ran west to east. Recognizing the defensive value of the terrain, the Germans built the Gustav Line section of the Winter Line through the area. Despite its military value, Field Marshal Albert Kesselring elected not to occupy the ancient abbey and informed the Allies and Vatican of this fact. First Battle Reaching the Gustav Line near Cassino on January 15, 1944, the US Fifth Army immediately began preparations to assault the German positions. Though Clark felt the odds of success were low, an effort needed to be made to support the Anzio landings which would occur further north on January 22. By attacking, it was hoped that German forces could be drawn south to allow Major General John Lucas US VI Corps to land and quickly occupy the Alban Hills in the enemy rear. It was thought that such a maneuver would compel the Germans to abandon the Gustav Line. Hampering Allied efforts was the fact the Clarks forces were tired and battered after a fighting their way north from Naples (Map). Moving forward on January 17, the British X Corps crossed the Garigliano River and attacked along the coast putting heavy pressure on the German 94th Infantry Division. Having some success, X Corps efforts forced Kesselring to send the 29th and 90th Panzer Grenadier Divisions south from Rome to stabilize the front. Lacking sufficient reserves, X Corps was unable to exploit their success. On January 20, Clark launched his main assault with the US II Corps south of Cassino and near San Angelo. Though elements of the 36th Infantry Division were able to cross the Rapido near San Angelo, they lacked armored support and remained isolated. Savagely counterattacked by German tanks and self-propelled guns, the men from the 36th Division were ultimately forced back. Four days later, an attempt was made north of Cassino by Major General Charles W. Ryders 34th Infantry Division with the goal of crossing the river and wheeling left to strike Monte Cassino. Crossing the flooded Rapido, the division moved into the hills behind the town and gained a foothold after eight days of heavy fighting. These efforts were supported by the French Expeditionary Corps to the north which captured Monte Belvedere and assaulted Monte Cifalco. Though the French were unable to take Monte Cifalco, the 34th Division, enduring incredibly harsh conditions, battled their way through the mountains towards the abbey. Among the issues faced by Allied forces were large areas of exposed ground and rocky terrain that precluded digging foxholes. Attacking for three days in early February, they were unable to secure the abbey or the neighboring high ground. Spent, II Corps was withdrawn on February 11. Second Battle With the removal of II Corps, Lieutenant General Bernard Freybergs New Zealand Corps moved forward. Pushed into planning a new assault to relieve pressure on the Anzio beachhead, Freyberg intended to continue the attack through mountains north of Cassino as well as advance up the railroad from the southeast. As planning moved forward, debate began among the Allied high command regarding the abbey of Monte Cassino. It was believed that German observers and artillery spotters were using the abbey for protection. Though many, including Clark, believed the abbey to be vacant, increasing pressure ultimately led Alexander to controversially order the building to be bombed. Moving forward on February 15, a large force of B-17 Flying Fortresses, B-25 Mitchells, and B-26 Marauders struck the historic abbey. German records later showed that their forces were not present, through the 1st Parachute Division moved into the rubble after the bombing. On the nights of February 15 and 16, troops from the Royal Sussex Regiment attacked positions in the hills behind Cassino with little success.  These efforts were hampered by friendly fire incidents involving Allied artillery due to the challenges of aiming accurately in the hills. Mounting his main effort on February 17, Freyberg sent forward the 4th Indian Division against German positions in the hills. In brutal, close-in fighting, his men were turned back by the enemy. To the southeast, 28th (MÄ ori) Battalion succeeded in crossing the Rapido and captured the Cassino railroad station. Lacking armor support as the river could not be spanned, they were forced back by German tanks and infantry on February 18. Though the German line had held, the Allies had come close to a breakthrough which concerned the commander of the German Tenth Army, Colonel General Heinrich von Vietinghoff, who oversaw the Gustav Line. Third Battle Reorganizing, Allied leaders began planning a third attempt to penetrate the Gustav Line at Cassino. Rather than continue along previous avenues of advance, they devised a new plan which called for an assault on Cassino from the north as well as an attack south into the hill complex which would then turn east to assault the abbey. These efforts were to be preceded by intense, heavy bombing which would require three days of clear weather to execute.  As a result, the operation was postponed three weeks until the airstrikes could be executed. Moving forward on March 15, Freybergs men advanced behind a creeping bombardment. Though some gains were made, the Germans rallied quickly and dug in. In the mountains, Allied forces secured key points known Castle Hill and Hangmans Hill. Below, the New Zealanders had succeeded in taking the railroad station, though fighting in the town remained fierce and house-to-house. On March 19, Freyberg hoped to turn the tide with the introduction of the 20th Armoured Brigade. His assault plans were quickly spoiled when the Germans mounted heavy counterattacks on Castle Hill drawing in the Allied infantry. Lacking infantry support, the tanks were soon picked off one by one. The next day, Freyberg added the British 78th Infantry Division to the fray. Reduced to house to house fighting, despite the addition of more troops, Allied forces were unable to overcome the resolute German defense. On March 23, with his men exhausted, Freyberg halted the offensive. With this failure, Allied forces consolidated their lines and Alexander began devising a new plan for breaking the Gustav Line. Seeking to bring more men to bear, Alexander created Operation Diadem. This saw the transfer of the British Eighth Army across the mountains. Victory at Last Redeploying his forces, Alexander placed Clarks Fifth Army along the coast with II Corps and the French facing the Garigliano. Inland, Leeses XIII Corps and Lieutenant General Wladyslaw Anders 2nd Polish Corps opposed Cassino. For the fourth battle, Alexander desired II Corps to push up Route 7 towards Rome while the French attacked across the Garigliano and into the Aurunci Mountains on the west side of the Liri Valley. To the north, XIII Corps would attempt to force the Liri Valley, while the Poles circled behind Cassino and with orders to isolate the abbey ruins. Utilizing a variety of deceptions, the Allies were able to ensure that Kesselring was unaware of these troop movements (Map). Commencing at 11:00 PM on May 11 with a bombardment using over 1,660 guns, Operation Diadem saw Alexander attack on all four fronts. While II Corps met heavy resistance and made little headway, the French advanced quickly and soon penetrated the Aurunci Mountains before daylight. To the north, XIII Corps made two crossings of the Rapido. Encountering a stiff German defense, they slowly pushed forward while erecting bridges in their rear. This allowed supporting armor to cross which played a key role in the fighting. In the mountains, Polish attacks were met with German counterattacks. By late on May 12, XIII Corps bridgeheads continued to grow despite determined counterattacks by Kesselring. The next day, II Corps began to gain some ground while the French turned to strike the German flank in the Liri Valley. With his right wing wavering, Kesselring began pulling back to the Hitler Line, approximately eight miles to the rear.  On May 15, the British 78th Division passed through the bridgehead and began a turning movement to cut off the town from the Liri Valley. Two days later, the Poles renewed their efforts in the mountains. More successful, they linked up with the 78th Division early on May 18. Later that morning, Polish forces cleared the abbey ruins and hoisted Polish flag over the site. Aftermath Pressing up the Liri Valley, the British Eighth Army immediately attempted to break through the Hitler Line but was turned back. Pausing to reorganize, a major effort was made against the Hitler Line on May 23 in conjunction with a breakout from the Anzio beachhead. Both efforts were successful and soon the German Tenth Army was reeling and facing being surrounded. With VI Corps surging inland from Anzio, Clark shockingly ordered them to turn northwest for Rome rather than cut off and aid in the destruction of von Vietinghoff. This action may have been the result of Clarks concern that the British would enter the city first despite it being assigned to Fifth Army. Driving north, his troops occupied the city on June 4. Despite the success in Italy, the Normandy landings two days later transformed it into a secondary theater of the war. Selected Sources BBC: Battle of Monte CassinoHistory: Battle of Monte Cassino

An essay commenting on the musical Bouncers by John Gober. Comments on the drama, effects and touching comedy.

An essay commenting on the musical Bouncers by John Gober. Comments on the drama, effects and touching comedy. JOHN GODBER'S "BOUNCERS" - SCRIPTED ASSESMENTBouncers - an ensemble by John Godber portrays lager-swilling lads, lipsticked, lacquered girls, all gyrating to the pulse of the dance floor; whilst out in the freezing cold skulk the ever watchful, ever ready, ever observant yet brutish bouncers - Lucky Eric, Jud, Les and Ralph. And so begins the journey into the secrets of a Friday night.John Godber along with "Bouncers" also wrote the acclaimed play "teechers". Two plays which require the actors to perform a variety of age, sex and stances; exploring the stage space with minimal props. Bouncers, set within the 1980s, explore themes such as stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination. Godber undermines this seriousness with comments such as "Lucky Eddie's first speech" or a chorus of "social comment". Beneath the comedy however, lies some very serious "social comment", not so much the voiced comment but the impression of the desperately empty lives of all the characters, male and female, bouncers and clubbers.English: Ralph Roister Doister, main character of ...Both plays are similar to each other, not just in staging but also in textual context.A favourable character throughout "Bouncers" was the character Les, also know as Kev and Cheryl. Kev I would describe as a stereotypical lad, not that bright with a fondness for lager. Les, a man of very little words and as for Cheryl, a clich ©d ditzy northern lass with a good heart.Each character was interesting in their own rightThe whole cast came across as very enthusiastic and portrayed a variety of ideas.The opening "Bouncers" introduced the lads and the girls, which smoothly ran into the opening scene at the hairdressers.With each character I saw a certain item that the audience could associate with. For example as Cheryl her top would be tied up, however as a bouncer...

Business Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Business - Assignment Example For example, many people might think that The Walt Disney Company's mission is to run theme parks. But, Disney's mission is always moving toward an expanded view. Disney provides entertainment. "Disney's overriding objective is to create shareholder value by continuing to be the world's premier entertainment company from a creative, strategic, and financial standpoint." You might also think that Revlon's mission is to make cosmetics. Yet, Revlon provides glamour, excitement and innovation. Charles Revson, Revlon's founder understood the importance of mission. He said "In the factory, we make cosmetics; in the store, we sell hope." Microsoft's early vision statement was "A Computer on Every Desk and In Every Home." (At approximately the same time, President John Akers said IBM's goal was to become a $100 billion company by then end of the century. At that time IBM sales were $50 billion.) Ideally the vision should be presented in a language that reaches out and grabs people, creates a vivid image in their heads and provokes motivation and

HW Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 8

HW - Essay Example C. The descriptive statistic can be obtained using the corresponding option in Excel Data Toolkit (Anderson, Sweeney, Williams, Camm, and Cochrane, 2015). The results are given in the table below. The mean and the median are close to each other, and the skewness is not significant. The stem and leaf diagram shows that the largest number of results is between 2700 and 2800, which is close to the mean value. The data distribution is close to normal with left skewness. D. To develop the table of frequencies the number of classes and class range has to be defined. The number of classes can be defined as a square root of the number of measurements. As N = 41, the number of classes will be 6.4, which is rounded to 7. The class width is found dividing range by the number of classes. Thus, the class range is 2514,643/7 = 359,23 (rounded to 359). The class midpoint is found as the sum of upper and lower boundaries of the class divided by 2. Relative frequency is obtained dividing frequency on the total number of measurements. Cumulative relative frequency is defined as a sum of frequencies for the data smaller than upper boundary of the class (Mendenhall, Beaver, and Beaver, 2013). E. 1. The histogram is built in the coordinates of class midpoint – frequency. The histogram supports the statement that the data distribution is left-skewed. The histogram also confirms that the range between 2700 and 2800 contains the largest number of measurements. 2. Ogive can be built in coordinates cumulaive (or cumulative relative) frequency – upper class bouunbary (Mendenhall, Beaver, and Beaver, 2013). The ogive shows that the small number of data is located in the range between 3500 and 4500. This also supports the statement about left skewness of the data. The highest increase of the frequency is in the range

Is Advertising a Barrier to Male Movement toward Gender Change Coursework

Is Advertising a Barrier to Male Movement toward Gender Change - Coursework Example Recently, while watching a TV daily, I have come across an advertisement that details about a perfume. Specifications, detailing that a perfume is for female or male has become quite prominent in the context of promoting the brand. The advertisement was appealing for men as usual so long as women are used as props for developing the quality of the advertisement. The advertisement, as I presume to be prompting men to use a particular product and restricting the women to conduct the same. The advertisement clearly captioned that the particular perfume that was being introduced in the market was solely meant for men and not for women (Bettany, Dobscha, O’Malley and Prothero 3-5). It is often noted that people are more interested in the body languages of other people, as it prompts them to decide about the probable mode of action or the needs of justification for an action they want to continue. Body languages even help in depicting the level of participation that is reflected through the movement of body parts as well as postures for standing and sitting. Furthermore, non-verbal communication is often assisted by the use of body postures that play an important role in developing various interpretations about the communicator. Additionally, the perceptions of people about another individual often get developed based on their respective body languages. Even in the 21st century, when people comment on providing equal rights for both men and women, women still fail to obtain equal standards to that of men depending on the patriarchy system that is apparently evident at the various social levels. Specifically, gender discriminations are not apparent within the social standards but are somehow still in practices. To be mentioned, the age-old dogmatic social system has been playing a crucial role in framing the mental state of society to have separate perceptions for men and women based on their gender roles.  

Ugandan Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP)

Ugandan Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) A social analysis of the current Ugandan poverty reduction strategy paper (PRSP), known as the poverty eradication action plan (PEAP, 2004/5-2007/8) Introduction Uganda, with the help of a number of international organisations, has created a poverty reduction plan known as the PEAP. This project began in 1995, but came intro fruition around 1997. The goal of the PEAP is to reduce poverty from 44% in 1997 to 10% in 2017 (World Bank Group, 2008). This policy was created in order for Uganda to be eligible for financial aid from the World Bank and IMF under the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative (Gariyo, 2001, p. 2). The aim of this essay is to critically examine the recent progress of the PEAP from the relevant documents. This includes examining the PEAP itself from 2004/5-2007/8 as well as look at the poverty assessment projects that have been taking place. The three main issues in this subject are how the plan deals with the concept of poverty, how the poverty assessments are reflected in the PEAP, and the way in which the PEAP has addressed gender issues amongst the poor in Uganda. The objective is to provide a critical analysis of the current situation within Uganda with regards to PEAP, and how effective this plan has been at reducing poverty. Concept of Poverty in the PEAP The concept of poverty within the PEAP has changed since its initial introduction. The original drafts of the plan were focused upon state-led rural development. The plan was then revised and it was decided to concentrate more on social issues. The PEAP plan looks at poverty as primarily being about the issues of economic development, business competitiveness and market growth (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2005, p. 16). The main measures of poverty within the PEAP are household expenditure and income, and when this falls below a certain level a person or family is considered poor. This poverty line is quite simplistic, but also absolute, as it represents the level needed to secure basic food and other needs. The gap between incomes is also measured to look at inequality within society (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2005, p. 38). The poor in Uganda are also identified as those who have problems of regional inequality, with those in the North and rural areas being worse off than those in the Central and urban areas. The study also identified that female-head households of widowed or absent husband families are poorer. The issue is whether or not this definition of poverty is accurate or correct for the region, as this will obviously affect the success of the policies. Targeting the wrong groups of people or introducing measures that do not really address the issues of poverty in Uganda will not reduce real poverty. There are those that argue just taking into account consumption and income is not enough to determine poverty and that basic needs and rights need to be taken into account (Kingdon and Knight, 2004, pp. 1-3). However, the situation in Uganda means that the issue of consumption equates to the provision of basic needs. There is a definite cut off between consumption and being able to afford basic food and other amenities. In this case, the measure of income and consumption is adequate. However, the factor that is not taken into account as much within the PEAP seems to security. This is often more of a subjective view than something that can be identified with quantitative data. The security of people within society and their feelings about their situations are crucial to their ability to move out of poverty and improve their lives. The problem with the PEAP view of poverty is that it is perhaps too narrow with regards to the full view of poverty. Whilst it includes issues of consumptio n and income and indeed social functionality, it leaves out some of the elements of security. It could be argued that the appeal to empowerment for women and other people is to do with feelings and security, but perhaps it is not enough (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2005, p. 55). The results of the study seem to suggest as such. Whilst economic growth has improved and poverty head count has been reduced since 1997, the factors of inequality have risen since 2003. In the North the affects of the PEAP policy have been limited because of a lack of security regarding land and the ability for people to move into new industries easily. Therefore, it can be said that whilst the income and consumption indicators of poverty have improved, it is not certain whether this has actually alleviated poverty because the issues of security and the opinions of the poor seemingly have not been taken into account fully. However, more about this will be discussed in the next section – looking at how the poverty analysis is involved within the PEAP. The ana lysis PPA will be crucial as to whether or not the lack of emphasis on well-being has altered the effectiveness of the PEAP. There is some evidence however to support this less complex and subjective analysis of the status of poverty in Uganda. McGee (2004, pp. 517-521) showed that contradictions and arguments with regards to what is exactly happening to poverty in Uganda is unhelpful. Instead, a less oppositional approach is better, with a focus on the income and consumption of those in Uganda. This may not be the most accurate measure of poverty, but it is an effective and productive way to produce policies that will have a positive impact on the economy and therefore alleviate poverty. However, poverty assessments carried out as part of the World Bank strategy have shown that many of these assessments, including those of Uganda, put too much emphasis on increasing income and investment. These policies are weak in addressing the real causes of poverty such as social inequality, and ignore issues of politics and history. Therefore, it must be said that whilst Uganda is one of the more thorough nations with regards to its assessments, it still lacks a subjective view and focuses too much on income issues rather than looking at the root causes of poverty (Hammer, Pyatt and White, 1999, pp. 819-821). Despite this and the concerns that too much emphasis on investment and improved income will not result in a reduction in poverty, the results initially seem good. A study by Nkusu (2004) shows that an emphasis on investment, aid and income factors has led to a much healthier economy and structural reforms that have reduced poverty overall. However, it is still unclear as to weather these policies are taking into account the results shown in the participatory poverty analysis. The next section will examine how the PEAP uses these analyses within its policies, and how effective this usage is. Participatory poverty analysis in the PEAP It seems that whilst the original PEAP was endorsed and approved by the IMS for its effectiveness at sticking to the principles of participation, in recent years the plan has somewhat moved away from the original focus (Canagarajah and van Diesen, 2006, pp. 663-666). The World Bank and IMF understand the need to listen to the poor and their needs in order to solve problems of poverty. Without this, the root causes of poverty will not be found and despite economic growth the average poor person will not be better off as the rich will gain. The problem is not so much with the Ugandan policies but the limits put upon them by the World Bank and IMF. In order for these poor countries to receive the financial aid they need to progress, they must meet certain criteria for economic reforms set out by the IMF and World Bank. However, this essentially means the countries like Uganda have little say in the policies that need to be created in order for them to improve their economy. Therefore, the suggestion by the IMF and World Bank to listen to the poor is misleading. They have suggested this method in order to deflect attention from their conditions imposed on financial aid. This means that the participation of people in Uganda in the forming of policies is reduced, because the government must limit the information they are exposed to in order to make sure the policies are put in place to get aid and promote growth. This makes it harder for Uganda to listen to its people regarding policies that they would like to see to improve their living conditions (Rowden and Irama, 2004). The problem with these policies as outlined in the household surveys is that economic growth is not being shared amongst the people who need it, and instead poverty is increasing. The poverty rate is increasing because the economic growth in Uganda at this point favours the richer people and international community, thanks to the biased policies needed to get funding from the IMF and World Bank (Economic Policy Research Centre – Makerere University, 2003). There are some indications that the people within Uganda are being listened to when possible. Findings looking at groups of poor children in Uganda found that measures looking at just income and consumption were not enough, and so other methods were taken into consideration by asking those who were poor (UNESCO., 2005). The poverty assessment reports however show that despite the focus of the PEAP on economic growth, this is not the reason for increase poverty in Uganda. The poverty status report in 2003 shows that despite economic growth, people still remain below the poverty line. The main reasons for this are unequal economic growth, and a lack of security in areas such as Northern Uganda (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development 2003a, pp. 147-149). Whilst these issues are identified in the PEAP, the main focus of policy is still on economic growth, because this is the only way the economy can be improved through financial aid. However, there are areas within the poverty assessment reports that are being utilised by the PEAP. One of these areas is healthcare, which in the assessment reports is identified as a key area that leads to poverty, and that the more people that are poor the more that will need to be spent to maintain people’s health (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development 2002, pp. 101-105). The original poverty assessment report identified similar problems including issues of district divide, and the obstacles for people trying to improving their own lives (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development 2000). The PEAP looks at some of these issues and puts policies in place to address, particularly with regards to health. The PEAP has made an effort to focus on preventive measures of health care so that the poorest members of society have greater access to services so that they can be more productive (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2005, pp. 163-165). Despite this, the conclusions of the PEAP stick mainly to issues of economic growth rather than social problems. It is true that during the 1990s high economic growth resulted in a reduction in the amount of people under the poverty line. However, as the country has improved its services, the further economic growth has been hampered by the limits of policies demanded by the IMF and World Bank in order to meet aid conditions. This means the economic growth has been a means towards an end of gaining aid to increase growth rather than simply looking at the social factors affecting the poor (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2005, pp. 211.213). Gender Analysis in the PEAP Another issue that needs to be addressed is whether or not the PEAP is addressing issues of gender effectively. Gender is clearly a big issue in a country where female-run families are worse off than male-led families due to lack of opportunities and rights for women to improve their economic status. Initial findings suggest that although the poverty participation process involves looking at those who are marginalised within society due to gender or other issues, the analyses do not effectively discuss gender issues (Wordofa, 2004, pp. 68-71). A study by Zuckerman and Garrett (2003) found that many of these poverty assessment reports in various developing countries only addressed gender issues in a superficial manner. Uganda in fact would not use gendered participation within its original report research but would then try to aggregate gender back into the policies later on. This tactic results in policies that do not accurately address the true concerns and issues associated with gender in Uganda in terms of poverty (Zuckerman, and Garrett, 2003, pp. 6, 12). Common examples of this are looking at different households in terms of age, but not reflecting differences in consumption levels according to gender. This is particularly damaging for a country like Uganda where some of the poorest members of society are women. This means despite good economic growth, the needs of many of the poorest are not being dealt with. As Whitehead and Lockwood (1999, p. 14) show, the way in which the Uganda PEAP deals with women’s issues is very superficial. There is a section regarding women, but it is not linked into the rest of the policies in general making it an isolated and superfluous section of the document. However, this study was conducted in 1999 and since then the reports have been looked at more closely, with more emphasis on gender issues. Despite this, there still remains a level of isolation between these findings and the policies as a whole. Zuckerman (2002) shows that there is some progress being made with regards to this, and those early failings have been dealt with in some ways. The reports now have women actively participating in order to form policies that will help get them out of poverty. However, it is still shown that despite this participation, the gendered participation has not filtered through to the policies in the PEAP as a whole. The problem is that these views from different genders are then generalised when added to policy, and therefore have little effect on gender differences. If this participation is to work then there needs to be a greater effort to make distinct policies to address gender differences rather than re-aggregating into a generalised whole. Conclusion The Ugandan PEAP has certainly been one of the most successful of these types of poverty reduction scheme in terms of reducing the poverty indicators of poor income and high levels of consumption to income. This has meant that overall the economy is doing better in Uganda, and people have higher incomes than before. This however is too simple a definition of poverty, and other factors such as the feelings and well-being of the poor, security issues and social structures need to be taken into account. The PEAP has improved since its inception in the 1990’s in terms of recognising these issues, but the core policies have changed very little. The main focus of the PEAP is still to improve economic growth, for two main reasons. Firstly because this was a successful policy throughout the 1990’s in helping to reduce overall poverty, and secondly because such economic policies are required by the IMF and World Bank in order to Uganda to receive the aid it needs to progress. The improvements in participation have meant that PEAP documents now address issues of gender and empowerment. However, these issues are addressed in a superficial way and the voices of marginalised are not affecting policy change. This means that despite continued economic growth, the wealth divide has increased and the percentage of people in poverty has increased in recent years. The policies are helping those who are better off to increase their wealth rather than improving the opportunities for the poorest members of society. As pointed out in reports, the country is reaching its targets with regards to alleviating poverty in economic growth terms and structural reforms (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2003b). However, these targets are not reducing overall poverty because they are allowing the participation in policy making of marginalised groups. The chronically poor who need the most help most likely to stay poor, supporting the claim that these policies of economic growth are not helping reduce poverty in Uganda (Okidi, and Mugambe, 2002, pp. 2-4). Bibliography Canagarajah, S., and van Diesen, A., 2006. The Poverty Reduction Strategy Approach Six Years On: An Examination of Principles and Practice in Uganda. Development Policy Review, 24(6), pp. 647-667. Economic Policy Research Centre – Makerere University., 2003. Reports on Socio Economics and Labour Force. Uganda Bureau of Statistics. Available at: http://www.ubos.org/onlinefiles/uploads/ubos/survey%20documentation/unhsii/survey0/outputInformation/reports.html Gariyo, Z., 2001. Civil Society and Global Finance in Africa: The PRSP Process in Uganda. In Civil Society and Global Finance edited by Jan Scholte et al, 2001. Kingdon, G.G., and Knight, J., 2004. Subjective well-being poverty versus income poverty and capabilities poverty?. Global Policy Research Group. Available at: http://www.gprg.org/pubs/workingpapers/pdfs/gprg-wps-003.pdf Nakamatte, N., et al., 2002. UPPAP – Kimwanyi Site Report. Available at: http://www.finance.go.ug/docs/Kimwanyi%20site%20report%20Final%20Draft.pdf Nkusu, M., 2004. Financing Ugandas Poverty Reduction Strategy: Is Aid Causing More Pain Than Gain?. IMF Working Papers, 04/170. Okidi, J.A., and Mugambe, G.K., 2002. An Overview of Chronic Poverty and Development Policy in Uganda. Economic Policy Research Centre, Uganda. Available at: http://www.chronicpoverty.org/pdfs/11Okidi_Mugambe.pdf Rowden, R., and Irama, J.O., 2004. Rethinking Participation: Questions for Civil Society about the Limits of Participation in PRSPs. Civil Society Observer, 1(2), April 2004. Available at: http://www.actionaidusa.org/images/rethinking_participation_april04.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2000. Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Process. Available at: http://www.w1.co.ug/uppap/docs/National%20Report%20New%20Edition.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2002. Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Process – Deepening the Understanding of Poverty. Available at: http://www.w1.co.ug/uppap/docs/NationalRpt.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2003a. Uganda Poverty Status Report. Available at: http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2003/cr03301.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2003b. Uganda’s Progress in Attaining the PEAP Targets in the Context of the Millennium Development Goals Background Paper for The Consultative Group Meeting. Available at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/UGANDAEXTN/Resources/CG_2003_GoU_PEAP_targets.pdf Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development., 2005. Uganda: Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper Poverty Eradication Action Plan (2004/5-2007/8). International Monetary Fund, August 2005. Available at: http://www.finance.go.ug/docs/PEAP%202005%20Apr.pdf UNESCO., 2005. 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Uncovering History in our own Backyard :: essays research papers

Uncovering History in our own Backyard   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Dr. Solberg has his own stamp on discovering American history. He has had a long interest in the ordinary person and was quoted as saying â€Å"People that carry history are a needed part of our past.† He did his doctorates on diaries from the 18th century. And has sent much of his time studying letters sent to Norway during the 1930s and 1940s. Dr. Solberg started the lecture by asking Olle and Marie Mellin to stand up in the audience they are both in the American Scandinavian foundation and have set up scholarships for Scandinavian studies. Solberg was quoted as saying â€Å"They where pillars of the American foundation.†   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Solberg told of a book that he felt had a connection with what he was doing in Solvang. The name of the book was Prairie Earth by â€Å"William least HeatMoon.† Heatmoon did a cultivation of land in the Midwest wand with that went through the history of the land from the Indians to the present. Almost like a de-mapping of the land.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Slides came on the screen from the American Post magazine. This magazine was what covered American life during the time of Solberg's childhood, almost every American home had one. In an issue dated January 1947 an article told of Solvang being an â€Å"Original Danish community.† This article had a profound effect on tourism. Land prices went sky high and Solvang became a tourist town.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There are three areas that Solberg will cover in the lecture, the first being the background of Solvang, the second will cover the time from 1911 through 1916, and the third being his own experience from the 60s. After graduating from UCSB Solberg went to Europe and after his return he felt he felt a strong interest in cultivating history. It was at this time he decided to do Solvang. He decided to do an oral history. â€Å"If you fail to get oral history you lose parts of history.† Solberg did not tape anyone with out there permission was able to collect photos to give a human dimension to his oral report.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Large ranchos gave the backdrop for the Santa Ynez valley. With 40,000 acres the valley became a huge area for cattle. In 1804 the first mission was established. 1888 the first railroad became operational before this time Los Olivous was the business center but by 1888 it had died down and by 1911 Solvang was the center of the Santa Ynez valley.